Spray bronzant de Romney: trop visible

MittdebatDepuis la fin de l'été, les candidats à la présidence des Etats-Unis donnent des interviews, tiennent des meetings électoraux dans plusieurs Etats le même jour, réagissent aux déclarations de l'adversaire. En résumé, ils n'ont pas une minute à gaspiller. Surtout pas à aller se bronzer sur une plage de Floride ou de Louisiane.

D'où cette interrogation: pourquoi Mitt Romney (photo: Emmanuel Dunand/AFP) était-il si bronzé lors des débats présidentiels? Parce qu'il utilise du spray bronzant. BuzzFeed a enquêté auprès des professionnels du maquillage et pour eux, il ne fait aucun doute: Mitt Romney s'est fait teindre le visage avant d'affronter Barack Obama pour véhiculer l'image d'un politique en pleine santé.

Le malheur, c'est que ces mêmes professionnels sont très critiques de la manière dont cela a été fait. "La couleur qu'ils ont choisie [pour Mitt Romney] n'est pas du tout crédible. Ils utilisent une formule trop sombre pour son teint de peau. Aussi, les réactions sont "Oh mon Dieu, il a été sprayé. C'est trop évident", relève Anna Stankiewicz, qui dirige une société à New York, Suvara, spécialisée dans ce type de maquillage.

Une autre professionnelle du maquillage, Tamar Vezirian, à la tête de la société Gotham Glow, précise à BuzzFeed qu'elle a reçu des clients et des amis qui l'ont interpellée après avoir regardé Mitt Romney à la télévision: "Oh, as-tu vu le spray bronzant de Mitt Romney? Pourquoi ne t'a-t-il pas appelée?" Ses mains, explique Tamar Vezirian, étaient vraiment sombres et son cou était blanc. "C'était très irrégulier et cela ne faisait pas du tout naturel. Vous pouvez toujours le déceler en observant les mains et le coup. Et cela apparaît encore plus à la caméra", conclut-elle.

Durant la campagne électorale, le teint de Mitt Romney a beaucoup intrigué les observateurs, car il change en permanence. En septembre, poursuit BuzzFeed, le candidat républicain a livré une interview à la chaîne hispanique Univision. Il avait un ton très sombre au point que sur Twitter, beaucoup imaginaient qu'il avait souhaité un teint aussi foncé pour "faire plus latino"…

L'équipe de campagne de Mitt Romney tente de masquer la technique en réfutant toutes ces suppositions.

Un nouveau pétard mouillé du milliardaire Donald Trump

 

Voici quelques jours, le milliardaire Donald Trump avait annoncé qu'il allait faire une révélation qui allait peut-être changer le cours de la campagne électorale. Les journalistes y sont allés de leur spéculation, n'accordant au personnage qu'un crédit limité. Pour les uns, il s'agissait peut-être de l'ouverture d'une procédure de divorce des Obama, pour d'autres, la preuve qu'il avait utilisé des drogues illégales dans sa jeunesse. Rien de tout cela. La bombe qu'annonçait Donald Trump sur Fox News n'est en fait qu'un pétard mouillé. C'est aussi du réchauffé.

Le milliardaire promet à Barack Obama qu'il versera 5 millions de dollars à une oeuvre caritative de son choix si le président publie les données relatives à ses études universitaires et à sa demande de passeport. Trump "the birther" (celui qui appartient à ce mouvement d'Américains croyant à la théorie du complot et au fait que Barack Obama ne serait pas Américain de naissance, mais né au Kenya ou en Indonésie) fait un nouvelle apparition.

Voici ses déclarations de mercredi:

“Le président Obama est le président le moins transparent de l'histoire de ce pays. On n'a jamais vu une chose pareille." Et Trump d'ajouter: “S'il publie ces documents, cela mettra un point final à la question [de sa naissance] et à la colère de nombreux Américains." Selon Donald Trump, le président "ne peut pas refuser une telle offre".

La surprise de Donald Trump n'en est donc pas une et le milliardaire fait montre une nouvelle fois d'un égocentrisme hors du commun en se mettant en scène de façon médiocre et absurde dans les derniers jours de la campagne électorale:
 

Obama “off” ou “on the record?”

Le quotidien d'Iowa Des Moines Register, qui avait déjà mis Mitt Romney dans l'embarras en révélant qu'il ne remettrait pas en question des lois pro-avortement déjà en vigueur, a décidé que le "off the record" (pratique ne permettant pas au journaliste de citer la personne interviewée) devait être la règle.

Deux journalistes du quotidien ont ainsi interviewé Barack Obama "off the record" selon la règle fixée par la Maison-Blanche. Mais dans un éditorial hier soir, comme le rapporte Politico, le journaliste Rick Green a estimé que cela n'avait aucun sens et exhortait l'équipe de campagne d'Obama de lever l'interdiction de citer le président. Après moult tergiversations, les démocrates ont fini par accepter. En ce sens, le Des Moines Register marche un peu sur les pas du New York Times qui a déclaré voici quelques semaines que ses journalistes ne soumettraient plus les citations des personnes interviewées avant de les publier, que ce soient des responsables de la Maison-Blanche ou d'ailleurs.

Voici la transcription de la conversation "off the record" du président…

 

 

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After
editor's blog, President Obama releases transcript of Register interview

Written
by Copyright Register & Tribune Co. 2012

Oct.
23

desmoinesregister.com

Without comment, campaign
officials for President Obama this morning released to the Des Moines
Register a transcript of an interview he had Tuesday with Laura
Hollingsworth, president and publisher of the Register, and Rick Green, editor/vice-president
of news. Initially, the White House had asked that the conversation be
considered off-the-record and its details not shared with readers. Its
release comes on the heels of a Tuesday evening DesMoinesRegister.com blog
post by Green questioning why an endorsement interview with the Register
would be off-the-record.

Interview of the President by
Rick Green & Laura Hollingsworth, The Des Moines Register

Q: Good morning, Mr. President
— Laura Hollingsworth, with the Des Moines Register.

THE PRESIDENT: Hi, how are you?

Q: Very well. We haven’t spoken
in four years. We’re excited to be able to talk with you.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I’m so
glad to talk to you. And I understand Rick is joining us as well.

Q: Rick Green is right next to
me, our editor, yes.

THE PRESIDENT: Great.

Q: Good morning, Mr. President.
How are you sir?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m doing great
and looking forward to being back in Iowa.

Q: Good, see you later this
week.

Q: You’ve been here a lot.
(Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: It’s home away
from home.

But I know that our time is
limited and you guys have a lot of questions. I thought maybe it would be
useful for me to just summarize how I see a second term very quickly, and
then you guys can pepper me with questions. Does that sound okay?

Q: Thank you very much.

THE PRESIDENT: Obviously, I’m
very proud of what we’ve accomplished over the last four years. A lot of it
was responding to the most severe economic emergency we’ve had since the
Great Depression. And whether it was saving the auto industry, stabilizing
the financial system, making sure that we got into a growth mode again and
started putting people back to work, we have made real progress.

But people are obviously still
hurting in a lot of parts of the country. And that’s why last night I tried
to reiterate a very specific plan that we’ve put forward to make sure that
the economy is growing, we’re bringing down our deficit, and we’re creating
jobs.

So, number one, I’m very
interested in continuing to build on the work that we did not just in the
auto industry but some of the other industrial sectors, bringing
manufacturing back to our shores; changing our tax code to reward companies
that are investing here. There is a real sense that companies are starting to
make decisions about insourcing, and some modest incentives I think can make
a real difference in terms of us seeing continued manufacturing growth, which
obviously has huge ramifications throughout the economy, including in the
service sector of the economy.

Number two, education, which
has obviously been a priority for us over the last four years — I want to
build on what we’ve done with Race to the Top, but really focus on STEM
education — math, science, technology, computer science. And part of that is
helping states to hire teachers with the highest standards and training in
these subjects so we can start making sure that our kids are catching up to
some of the other industrialized world.

Two million more slots in
community colleges that allows our workers to retrain, but also young people
who may not want to go to a four-year college, making sure that the training
they’re receiving is actually for jobs that are out there right now. And we
want to continue to work — building on the progress we’ve done over the last
four years — to keep tuition low for those who do attend either a two-year
or a four-year college.

Number three, controlling our
own energy. This obviously is of interest to Iowa. Our support of biofuels,
our support of wind energy has created thousands of jobs in Iowa. But even
more importantly, this is going to be the race to the future. The country
that controls new sources of energy, not just the traditional sources, is
going to have a huge competitive advantage 10 years from now, 20 years from
now, 30 years from now.

So in addition to doubling our
fuel-efficiency standards on cars and trucks, what we want to do is make sure
that we’re producing new technologies here — long-lasting batteries, making
sure that we are developing the wind and solar and other energy sources that
may provide us a breakthrough. In the meantime, we’re still producing oil and
natural gas at a record pace, but we’ve got to start preparing for the
future. And as I said, it creates jobs right now in Iowa.

Number four, I want to reduce
our deficit. It’s got to be done in a balanced way. I’ve already cut a
trillion dollars’ worth of spending. I’m willing to do more. I’m willing to
cut more, and I’m willing to work with Democrats and Republicans when it
comes to making some adjustments that bring down the cost of our health care
programs, which obviously are the biggest drivers of our deficit.

But nobody who looks at the
numbers thinks it’s realistic for us to actually reduce our deficit in a
serious way without also having some revenue. And we’ve identified tax rates
going up to the Clinton rates for income above $250,000; making some
adjustments in terms of the corporate tax side that could actually bring down
the corporate tax overall, but broaden the base and close some loopholes.
That would be good for our economy, and it would be good for reducing our
deficit.

And finally, using some of the
war savings to put people back to work on infrastructure — roads, bridges.
We’ve fallen behind in that area. And we can — this deferred maintenance, we
can put people to work, back, right now, and at the same time make sure that
our economy is more competitive over the long term.

So that’s sort of a summary of
the things I want to accomplish to create jobs and economic growth.
Obviously, there are other items on the agenda. We need to get immigration
reform done, and I’m fully committed to doing that. I think there’s still
more work on the energy efficiency side that we can do — helping to retrofit
our buildings, schools, hospitals, so that they’re energy efficient —
because if we achieved efficiencies at the level of, let’s say, Japan, we
could actually cut our power bill by about 20-25 percent, and that would have
the added benefit of taking a whole bunch of carbon out of the atmosphere.

So there are some things that
we can do, but obviously the key focus is making sure that the economy is
growing. That will facilitate all the other work that we do.

Q: Very good, Mr. President.
First question for you — obviously, we all know that restoring the national
economy is the number-one issue among voters. And here in Iowa, obviously, we
struggle with the same thing. I’ll tell you that our editorial board is
struggling with that same thing. What will — and many believe that we’ve
only engineered a recovery based on more spending, delaying sort of the
inevitable, and that even looking at growth projections for next year, very
weak based on current trend lines. So why will your plan for a second term
yield better results than what we saw in the first four years of the
administration? And how are we going to grow at a faster pace?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, keep in
mind that some of this is us just working through a very, very deep worldwide
financial-based recession. And you guys are probably familiar with some of
the work that’s been done on this. Recessions that follow a financial crash
of some sort, including the popping of the housing bubble, are not regular
recessions. They’re not your typical business cycle recession. And so, in many
ways, because of the actions we took early on, we’re actually ahead of pace
in the typical recovery out of a recession like this.

But the potential for upside
growth remains very strong. Keep in mind that we are growing faster than just
about any other large industrialized country. We’re growing faster than
Europe. We’re growing faster than Japan. And part of the challenge we have
right now — we’ve had a bunch of headwinds because Europe is still getting
its act together. China, its economy has been weakened. And so world trade
generally has been somewhat depressed over the last year.

But despite that, we’ve doubled
our exports. And if you combine a prudent deficit plan, a serious emphasis on
our manufacturing strengths, retraining our workers, a very real energy boom
both in natural gas but also in clean energy, and the infrastructure that
traditionally has not been a partisan issue — we’ve got a lot of deferred
maintenance that needs to be done — even as the housing market is starting
finally to recover — you combine those things, and there’s no reason why we
can’t have a significant surge of growth.

Conversely, if we adopted my
opponent’s plans for a $5 trillion tax cut that he claims would somehow be
paid for by deductions and — closing of deductions and loopholes that nobody
can identify how to pay for, either we’re blowing up that deficit, or what’s
going to end up happening is you end up seeing middle-class families taxed.
That’s the absolute worst thing that could be done for the economy right now.

So I’m actually optimistic that
if you combine the elements of my plan together, we can grow faster and
create the kind of virtuous cycle that allows businesses to start investing
and hiring a lot more aggressively. Keep in mind, over the first — or let’s
say, over the previous two and a half years, corporate profits had been at
record levels. Companies are awash with cash. And what they’ve been missing
are enough customers out there to prompt demand and justify them investing in
more plant equipment and workers. So if we can just trigger that, there’s
enough capital out there in order for us to get on that virtuous cycle.

Q: Great. Mr. President, we
know that John Boehner and the House Republicans have not been easy to work
with, and certainly you’ve had some obstacles in the Senate, even though it’s
been controlled by the Democrats. At the time, whenever — we talked a lot
about, in 2008, hope and change. I’m curious about what you see your role is
in terms of changing the tone and the perception that Washington is broken.
But particularly, sir, if you were granted a second term, how do you implode
this partisan gridlock that has gripped Washington and Congress and basically
our entire political structure right now?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, Rick, let
me answer you short term and long term. In the short term, the good news is
that there’s going to be a forcing mechanism to deal with what is the central
ideological argument in Washington right now, and that is: How much
government do we have and how do we pay for it?

So when you combine the Bush
tax cuts expiring, the sequester in place, the commitment of both myself and
my opponent — at least Governor Romney claims that he wants to reduce the
deficit — but we’re going to be in a position where I believe in the first
six months we are going to solve that big piece of business.

It will probably be messy. It
won’t be pleasant. But I am absolutely confident that we can get what is the
equivalent of the grand bargain that essentially I’ve been offering to the
Republicans for a very long time, which is $2.50 worth of cuts for every
dollar in spending, and work to reduce the costs of our health care programs.

And we can easily meet —
“easily” is the wrong word — we can credibly meet the target that the
Bowles-Simpson Commission established of $4 trillion in deficit reduction,
and even more in the out-years, and we can stabilize our deficit-to-GDP ratio
in a way that is really going to be a good foundation for long-term growth.
Now, once we get that done, that takes a huge piece of business off the
table.

The second thing I’m confident
we’ll get done next year is immigration reform. And since this is off the
record, I will just be very blunt. Should I win a second term, a big reason I
will win a second term is because the Republican nominee and the Republican
Party have so alienated the fastest-growing demographic group in the country,
the Latino community. And this is a relatively new phenomenon. George Bush
and Karl Rove were smart enough to understand the changing nature of America.
And so I am fairly confident that they’re going to have a deep interest in
getting that done. And I want to get it done because it’s the right thing to
do and I've cared about this ever since I ran back in 2008.

So assume that you get those
two things done in the first year, and we're implementing Wall Street reform,
Obamacare turns out not to have been the scary monster that the other side
has painted. Now we're in a position where we can start on some things that
really historically have not been ideological. We can start looking at a
serious corporate tax reform agenda that's revenue-neutral but lowers rates
and broadens the base — something that both Republicans and Democrats have
expressed an interest in.

I've expressed a deep desire and
taken executive action to weed out regulations that aren't contributing to
the health and public safety of our people. And we've made a commitment to
look back and see if there are regulations out there that aren't working,
then let’s get rid of them and see if we can clear out some of the underbrush
on that. Again, that's something that should be non-ideological.

My hope is, is that there’s a
recognition that now is a great time to make infrastructure improvements all
across the country. And we can pull up some of the money that we know we're
going to be spending over the next decade to put people back to work right
now at a time when contractors are dying for work and interest rates are
really low.

And, again, that's something
that even John Boehner — John Boehner and Mitch McConnell, they’ve got a
bridge linking Cincinnati and Kentucky, and the bridge is so broken down that
folks are having to drive an hour and a half of extra commuting just to get
across the Ohio River. There’s no reason why we can't work on things like
that and put people back to work.

So I just want to contrast with
what happens if Mitt Romney is elected. I know that he likes to talk about
his Massachusetts record. The truth is there really were two Mitt Romneys.
There was the Mitt Romney who initially got elected, passed Obamacare, and
was interested in being the governor of Massachusetts. After his second year,
it was the Mitt Romney who was running for president and abandoned all his
previous positions.

And the problem you’ve seen in
this campaign is he’s made commitments — his first day he’s got to introduce
a bill to repeal Obamacare. And that's a commitment he cannot back off of.
That is a huge, messy fight. His first day in office, he has to make some
commitments in rolling back things like the Consumer Finance Protection Board
we put in place on Wall Street reform. His budget — the Ryan budget —
there’s no way that, if he’s president, he can avoid having a showdown on a
budget that his running mate introduced, or a variation of it, because he’s
committed to cutting spending by 20 percent across the board on discretionary
and increasing defense spending by $2 trillion.

Q: Yes, that begs a question
from us, Mr. President. Some say you had a super majority in your first two
years and had this incredible opportunity, but because of what you were
talking about, as you were running, you had to go to get Obamacare done. Do
you have any regrets taking on some of the economic issues, some of the
issues that we're talking about for your second term, that when you had the
chance, so to speak, during your first — do you have any regrets that you
didn’t do that at that time?

THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely not,
Laura. Remember the context. First of all, Mitch McConnell has imposed an
ironclad filibuster from the first day I was in office. And that's not
speculation. I mean, this is — it’s amply recorded. He gave a speech saying,
my task is to defeat the President.

So we were able to pass
emergency action with the stimulus, but we had to get two votes from
Republicans. One of them essentially was driven out of the party — Arlen
Specter, who recently passed away. We then — because Al Franken hadn’t been
seated, didn’t have 60 votes until essentially — there was a four- or
five-month span. But at that point, we had already put in place the Recovery
Act. We had already moved forward to help states avoid teacher layoffs and so
forth.

And we were already in the
process of stabilizing the banks. We had already engineered the process that
would save the auto industry. And there was not going to be any appetite
among Democrats or Republicans to take additional actions until we saw the
progress that was making — that needed to be made.

And our health care system is
one-sixth of our economy. And if we have a situation where spending on health
care at every level is going up at 6, 7, 10 percent a year, and we’ve got
millions of people without coverage or inadequate coverage, the suggestion
that that’s not a central economic priority for the country is just something
that I wouldn’t buy.

And the suggestion somehow that
if we hadn’t pursued Obamacare, somehow we would have gotten additional
stimulus out of the Republicans, for example, that we could have primed the
pump more, that’s just not borne out by any of the evidence.

In fact, the first stimulus,
when we were contracting at 8 percent a quarter, as I was on my way up — a
month after I’d been elected, or two months after I’d been elected — as I
was on my way up to meet the House Republicans to share with them my ideas
about how we should pass this Recovery Act, they already said they’d vote
against it.

Now, it was a political
strategy that won them back the House, but it wasn’t good for the country.
And I think the country recognizes that. So what I want to do — now we’re in
a different position, and I genuinely believe that one of the best things we
can do for the economy is to settle this issue of government spending,
entitlements, and revenues so that we can provide the kind of certainty that
I think businesses and individuals are looking for.

Q: One question — as you watch
voters here and just everyday interactions with people that are so undecided,
so fearful of either choice — I found people becoming even more ambivalent
and even voters making statements such as it really doesn’t matter who’s
President anyway because of the problems in Congress and really that’s what’s
going on — what would you say to a statement that somebody was saying, it
doesn’t really matter who should be President?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, what I’d
say is that it will matter to millions of Americans who may or may not have
health care. It will matter to millions of seniors who maybe — or soon-to-be
seniors who may be faced with the prospect of a voucher system for Medicare.

It will matter to young people
all across the country who were born here, pledged allegiance to our flag,
went to school here, and are Americans in every way except they don’t have
documentation and would continue to be at risk of deportation.

It will matter to middle-class
families who are going to find themselves locked out of the discussion in
terms of how we balance our budget, or at least reduce our deficit, facing
the prospect that things like the tax credit we put in place for kids going
to college, the earned income tax credit, a whole bunch of things that make
sure working people stay out of poverty — that could all go away.

The consequences on just about
every indicator out there would be enormous. And so if the question is, will
the economy drastically improve, are we going to get back to — are we going
to get to 4 or 5 percent growth if I’m reelected versus Mitt Romney — there
are some big global economic issues that are being worked through.

But the question I think for
voters, in addition to what’s going to be good for me and my family tomorrow,
is, what’s going to be good for America five years from now or 10 years from
now. And if we have not built an education system that works and makes sure
that college is affordable, if we have not won the race for future energy
technologies, if we’re slashing funding for things like basic research, if we
are not rebuilding our infrastructure, then 5, 10 years from now we are going
to be a weaker nation. And that has huge consequences.

Now, obviously, if somebody
believes that the government has been the problem and will remain the
problem, and if we just strip down government to defense spending and Social
Security and some watered-down version of Medicare and Medicaid, and we
shouldn’t be doing anything else, then obviously Mitt Romney is the
candidate. There’s no indication, based on either historical evidence or
what’s happening around the world, that that’s the recipe for long-term
sustainable economic growth.

Q: Mr. President, we’re very
sensitive to your time. I know you’ve got a busy schedule. But we just had
just one last question here. As we close in on the final hours of this
campaign — it’s been a long one. It’s been exhausting. It’s been very, very
expensive, as I know you know. Why should the Des Moines Register offer its
endorsement to you, sir?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, you guys
have seen me up close. I wouldn’t be on the national stage had it not been
for the people of Iowa. And if you look at what I said to you this time four
years ago, and the commitments I’ve made, I have kept and met those
commitments, or I have worked really hard to keep them and meet them.

I said that I’d cut taxes for
middle-class families — I did. I said that we would make sure to make
college more affordable — we have. I said I would clean up the financial
system and pass the toughest Wall Street reforms since the 1930s, and we
have. I said that I would make sure that people don’t go broke in this
country because they get sick — we did that. I said I’d end the war in Iraq
— I have. I said we’d got after al Qaeda and bin Laden — we have. I said
we’d begin a process where we could initially blunt the momentum of the
Taliban and then a process in which we’d begin transitioning out — we’re in
the process of doing that.

So across the board, I’ve done
what I said. And this is in the midst of I think what everybody would agree
were some pretty historic circumstances. And the criteria by which I’ve made
these decisions has always been what’s good for America’s families, how do we
build our middle class, how do we grow the economy in a way that broad-based
and sustainable.

The notion that somehow we’ve
been bad for business is obviously contradicted by the evidence. Corporate
profits have been at record levels up until maybe last quarter. The stock
market basically has recovered all its losses that it experienced from the
financial sector. The auto industry has come roaring back. Our exports have
doubled.

For the people of Iowa that are
so dependent on the agricultural sector — the agricultural sector has never
done better than it has under my administration. Even in the midst of this
year’s drought it’s still doing well.

When it comes to clean energy
that I talked about so much back in 2007-2008, we’ve doubled our production
of clean energy. And we’re starting to see the costs of that energy come
down, the number of jobs it generates go up.

I got to tell you, I feel very
strongly that I have a record that justifies a second term. But I guess, more
importantly, what you also know is that I’m somebody who keeps my word, that
I don’t read the polls, that I do what I think is right for the American
people, even when it is profoundly unpopular politically. And I think that’s
worth something. I think that’s the kind of leadership the people of Iowa
want.

Q: Very good.

Q: Thank you so much, Mr.
President, for your time.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, guys.
I appreciate you taking the time. I want your endorsement.

Q: Thank you so much.

THE PRESIDENT: You’ll feel
better when you give it. (Laughter.) All right? Bye-bye.

Q: Appreciate it.

Q: Best of luck, Mr. President.

THE
PRESIDENT: Thank you. Bye-bye.

 

Richard Mourdock: un dérapage gênant

C'est précisément le type de dérapage dont Mitt Romney se passerait dans la dernière ligne droite de la campagne électorale. Dans la course pour le Sénat en Indiana, le républicain du Tea Party Richard Mourdock a eu cette phrase qui a provoqué des remous dans la campagne: "Même si la vie commence dans cette horrible situation qu'est le viol, cela résulte de la volonté de Dieu."

Les démocrates n'ont pas attendu longtemps avant de diffuser une publicité dans laquelle Mitt Romney soutient Richard Mourdock. Ce dernier a voulu clarifier ses propos: ""Dieu crée la vie, c'est ce que je veux dire. Dieu ne souhaite pas des viols et je ne souhaitais aucunement dire cela. Le viol est une chose horrible et celui qui tente de distordre mes propos pour faire croire une chose pareille est absurde et malade."

 

Clint Eastwood sévit à nouveau

Manifestement, le flop de la star d'Hollywood et du réalisateur de "Million Dollar Baby" lors de la convention républicaine de Tampa, à la fin août, ne l'a pas dissuadé de continuer à faire campagne pour le républicain Mitt Romney. En Floride, le cinéaste oscarisé avait imaginé à la dernière minute une conversation avec une chaise vide censé représenter Barack Obama. Ce fut un bide qui mit l'establishment républicain dans l'embarras.

Désormais, Clint Eastwood est bien encadré par American Crossroads, un super-PAC (groupe politiquement actif dont la création a été rendu possible grâce à la décision de la Cour suprême de janvier 2010 Citizens United), soutenu par l'ex-stratège de George W. Bush, Karl Rove. L'acteur et réalisateur estime que Mitt Romney doit être élu le 6 novembre si l'on veut que l'Amérique "survive".

 

Les faux chiffres de Mitt Romney et de Paul Ryan sur la US Navy

Ce fut le moment le plus tweeté du troisième et dernier débat présidentiel. A la critique de Mitt Romney relevant que l'Amérique a le plus petit nombre de navires depuis 1916, Barack Obama a répondu qu'à l'époque on avait aussi davantage de chevaux et de baïonnettes.

Mardi, les républicains n'ont cessé de décocher des flèches empoisonnées à l'encontre du président Obama qui  "insulterait" les membres de la marine et qui mettrait en danger la sécurité du pays. La fameuse phrase tweetée "horsesandbayonets" a peut-être heurté certains électeurs de Virginie qui abrite d'importants chantiers navals de la Navy. Mais sur le fond, le message faisait sens.

Le commentateur politique Fareed Zakaria l'a rappelé mardi soir en relevant que les bâtiments d'aujourd'hui sont exponentiellement beaucoup plus puissants et sophistiqués au plan technologique et qu'il est absurde de comparer ce qui n'est pas comparable. L'actuelle marine militaire américaine est aussi puissante que les 13 autres plus grandes marines militaires réunies.

Dans les faits, la marine militaire avait 245 navires en 1916. Cela comprenait des torpilleurs et des cannonnières. C'est en 1916 que le président Woodrow Wilson signa le Naval Act pour construire une marine digne de ce nom. En 2011, les Etats-Unis possédaient 285 navires. C'est plus que les 278 en 2007 sous l'administration du républicain George W. Bush, et la tendance est à la hausse puisque la marine devrait atteindre la barre des 300 bâtiments dans quelques années.

Le message de Barack Obama était aussi de montrer qu'on peut avoir moins de matériel, mais plus sophistiqué. La marine possède ainsi le nec plus ultra de la technologie, avec notamment des porte-avions à la pointe de la technologie et incomparables avec le premier porte-avion chinois retapé à partir d'un bâtiment ukrainien. Elle dispose aussi de SSBN (sous-marins à propulsion nucléaire dotés de missile balistiques) et de SSGN (sous-marins équipés de missiles de croisière).

Mais Mitt Romney et Paul Ryan maintiennent leur slogan "Plus petite marine depuis 1916" en dépit des faits. Mardi, Paul Ryan, le colistier du candidat républicain, s'exprimait sur CBS:

 

Le nouveau “livre” de Barack Obama

C'est l'arme de dernière minute de Barack Obama. Il vient de présenter mardi un petit livret intitulé "The New Economic Patriotism: A Plan for Jobs & Middle-Class Security" qui élabore ce qu'il entend développer lors d'un second mandat à la Maison-Blanche. Le document de 20 pages a été tiré à 3,5 millions d'exemplaires et va être distribué un peu partout dans le terrain, envoyé à de potentiels électeurs.

Barack Obama profite de prendre le contrepied de son rival républicain Mitt Romney qui peine à donner les détails de son plan en cinq points visant à réduire les déficits de l'Etat américain et à remettre l'économie sur les rails. En campagne en Floride, il le dit: son plan tient la route en termes de chiffres. Allusion au plan du républicain visant à réduire l'imposition sur le revenu à 20% pour lequel Mitt Romney n'a pas donné de détails sur la manière dont il pense compenser un manque à gagner de 5000 milliards de dollars. Il parle de suppressions de déductions fiscales, mais se refuse à en donner l'étendue et à dire quels seront les contribuables touchés.
 
Pour le président démocrate, les chiffres qu'il présente dans son plan sont crédibles:

Les vues de Robert Shrum, ex-conseiller de John Kerry

Robert Shrum est chercheur auprès du Wagner Graduate School of Public Service de la New York University. Il est surtout un ancien stratège du candidat à la présidence John Kerry, ancien conseiller de Ted Kennedy et de l'icone de la gauche américaine George McGovern dont il écrivit les discours. Présent sur toutes les télévisions américaines, il commente jour après jour la campagne électorale.

Il était lundi au New York Foreign Press Center, le centre de la presse étrangère. Voici ci-après ses décryptages:

 

1) Les quatre résultats possibles selon Bob Shrum:

 

 

2) "Le mormonisme de Mitt Romney ne jouera aucun rôle dans cet élection", affirme Bob Shrum:

 

 

3) Le stratège démocrate s'étonne de la multiplication des sondages:

 

 

4) Pour l'ex-conseiller de John Kerry, l'argent ne fera finalement pas la différence. Mais "la politique est un marché", admet-il:

 

Todd Akin compare sa rivale démocrate à un chien

Todd Akin, républicain du Missouri, n'est pas réputé pour sa finesse. A la fin de l'été, il a embarrassé l'establishment républicain en déclarant qu'il y avait des viols "légitimes" contre lesquels la femme peut se protéger en activant un mécanisme anatomique interne. Il a peu expliqué en quoi consistait ce mécanisme, n'étant pas un médecin, ni un gynécologue. Mais il voulait montrer que son opposition à l'avortement ne souffrait aucune exception, même si une femme est violée.

Il y a quelques jours, il a comparé sa rivale démocrate dans la course pour le Sénat, Claire McCaskill, à un chien qui irait chercher ses ordres à Washington pour les déverser sur l'Etat du Missouri. Or ce n'est pas la conception de Todd Akin. Selon lui, c'est au Missouri d'apporter son bon sens à Washington. En termes de bon sens, on peut lui faire confiance.

 

Donald Trump prêt à lâcher une “bombe” au sujet de Barack Obama

Le milliardaire américain Donald Trump, qui possède des tours un peu partout à Manhattan, est connu pour promouvoir la théorie du complot au sujet du premier président noir de l'Histoire des Etats-Unis. Il a souvent laissé entendre que Barack Obama ne serait pas né aux Etats-Unis. Il continue d'y croire malgré les multiples preuves qui ont déjà été présentées par les autorités d'Hawaï, dont l'une par une doctoresse pourtant républicaine qui appelle à ce que ces accusations cessent.

Lundi, sur Fox New, Donald Trump a déclaré qu'il allait lâcher une bombe mercredi, une information au sujet du président Obama qui pourrait changer le cours de la campagne électorale. Et selon lui, les médias seront appelés à couvrir largement l'affaire. Info ou intox?